Methodology
all Set up a clear program of activity that activist groups can take to cause rupture changes. The program implements all theories about ruptures, grand strategies and working towards competence. The “Victory Plan” stages are as follows: 2. Implementation and 3. Internationalism.
The first step is moving mapping. The new group will be involved in existing rupture movements. The aim is for new organizations to complement and add value to the best place for the existing ecosystem of activists. “What features are missing about exercise-level strategies? No one is looking at them? Which grand strategies are underdeveloped? What connections are not being used well? What? There’s no connection.
This book is distinctive in seeking “movement as a party” that is discussed within the framework of motor ecology. The pointed point is that activists can form movements and imply creative and theoretical diversity. These activists need to map movements and make sure there are different grand strategies, different abilities, different groups. But the overall movement is heading towards rupture. “Athletic level strategies are scary and empowering.”
The main point is that activists need to ensure that their capabilities are actioned throughout the movement’s ecology and not limit concerns to the success of individual organizations or parties. The book suggests that individuals, groups, and even political parties may want to focus on developing and realizing certain capabilities. However, “all of these functions are required for the system to work.” Therefore, it is the responsibility of everyone, to understand the abilities that are missing from the movement and enter that space.
People can form different groups with grand strategies and methodologies. The most interesting argument for the movement approach as a party is, “Your organizations don’t seem to need each other, but movements require both organizations. That’s why we use the term ecology in social movements. “The author concludes that “complementary complementarity is necessary.”
radical
Movement as a party allows for both coordination and central decision-making, but also diversity and autonomy. The old days of the Central Committee and command and control organizations have become obsolete because of a highly connected generation.
However, traditional parties have the advantages that should be retained or reconstructed. These include the formation of international organizations, contracts and planning for the entire movement that binds its members, and forums for discussion and decisions. “Innovative movements need to know how to write a constitution, how to build a democratic administration, and how to implement a socio-political transition,” the author says there are lessons from the early Soviets of Russia. Masu.
Next major steps all A program is called an implementation. This explains what actions should be taken based on the analysis explained earlier in the book. It is necessary to “come to the conditions” or “telling the truth” about capitalism as a driving force behind climate collapse. The ambitions of the global movement. Focusing on the working class of the movement. Make sure the movement is intended to burst. Adopting an epic strategy. Cultivating movement ecology.
The implementation stage also suggests some practical activities. This includes calling on social movement organisations to adopt a declaration of a climate emergency. This is a similar approach to the approach taken by XR in the early days. Activist groups should adopt such documents for their own purposes and invite others to do the same.
“This is not another document to sign. We propose an agreement that will continue and systematically reject fundamental changes in organizational culture, the suitability and marginalization of movements. We are in emergency situations. I live in and I have to admit that I need to rebuild the organization accordingly.”
force
The book calls for rupture in response to the climate crisis, in contrast to the motor force method, which aims solely for change within the system. Therefore, the author presents a very different history of social change. This points to the fact that rupture is possible, but also provides lessons on how rupture is achieved in the real world. “We feel that the new generation of organizers are not learning from historical experiences,” the author explains.
This is history as a training exercise. “We’re interested in how they won and why they won. We’re interested in their theory of coincidence: systems of belief and how change occurs in society. This is an assumption about “Action Algorithms” search.
The presented history begins the victory of Jacobin at the French Revolution in 1799, and overcomes the Haitian Revolution in 1804, the Italian Carbon Revolution in the following decades, the utopian socialists in 1848 and the commune in Paris . Communist Karl Marx and anarchist Mikhail Baknin were the leading figures of the Russian Revolution in 1872, the 1917 Russian Revolution, and the disparity between Trotsky and Stalin, the rise of Mao Zedong in the Chinese Revolution in 1949, the Cuban Revolution, and decolonization throughout Africa. He was appointed to the rise of the Cuban Revolution, which achieved the transformation. , South America and beyond.
This fast history leads us to the Arab Spring (2010s), the pro-EU protests in Ukraine (2014), the yellow best protests in France (2018), and the US protests (2020). He’ll take us to the end. . The book even points out the success of the “rupture” that is being done today. “There are dozens of ruptured mass movements currently operating around the world. We provide examples of Bangladesh, Burkina Fosa, Kenya, Myanmar, Niger, Sierra Leone and Sri Lanka at a glance over the last few years. It must be.”
The point of all this history is to establish a successful theory of rupture change. The commonality of all these movements was not merely the existence of violence. The authors argue that each movement relates to a deliberate and conscious attempt to seize power. Sometimes this was economic power, sometimes political power. Sometimes this was an attempt to change power relations internationally, and sometimes remained on the scale of national liberation.
justice
The point of seizing power was always to end the Olihead and introduce democracy. And today, democracy is a prerequisite for climate action. This historical narrative has been presented against a recent interpretation of the US civil rights movement in the 1960s and is used to support the assertion that the mass movement is sufficient to bring about change.
This short manifesto also carves out the intellectual space through a keen criticism of existing climate movements, balanced with an astonishing level of honest self-criticism. Rodriguez and Eden are skeptical of the current methodology of movement forces Trendy. The criticism is a left organisation that talks about mainstream NGOs, ruptures, but doesn’t seem to achieve that, aims to a social justice campaign that has driven ecofeminist thinking and working class practices out of the equation. Masu.
From Paul Engler and Carlos Savedra A community of momentum It advanced the athletic skills methods adopted by NGOs and campaign groups in the US, Europe and beyond. This similar theory of motion is not suggested in this book. It involves the seizing of power and revolution, but ends with “social and/or political change.” “It’s a theory of change that, by design, does not aim to change the socioeconomic system.” It is “given a deep lack of imagination” and is “the first cousin of a neoliberal worldview.”
This new book takes into account the fact that non-violent direct actions still do not lead to a serious transfer of power away from the Olivia. “Your author is deeply angry that all the rebellions against this system have not changed to revolutionary possibilities.”
They refer to contradictions. The rise in youth around the world believes a revolution is necessary, especially in response to the climate crisis. However, today, “This movement is strategized under a framework that structurally prohibits the perspective of systemic change. The theory of change in the most fundamental aspect of the climate justice movement is the artifacts. There is no post-capitalist society on the list. “So they suggest that “new social movements construct their own theory of change.” all Thus, it is both a robust criticism and necessary complementation of movement force strategies.
truth
The book has some limitations and the authors are aware of this. The introductory page admits that “the degree of simplification makes our exposition look obviously wrong as it overlooks the essential aspects.” They also noted that this is “not an academic book” and even said, “The goal of this book is not correct.” Specifically, this is not an attempt at the party line. “It doesn’t claim to have reached the ‘right version of Marxism’.”
An invitation from the author is that everyone who wants to deal with the climate crisis will work together to cooperate even with serious theoretical differences. In short, “We need to learn to agree not to agree.” There are many things I don’t subscribe to this book. But I accepted the invitation and instead of staying here with what I think is not, I tried to amplify what would be useful.
The project’s ambitions are persuasive, the breadth of history taken as references is impressive, and the depth of intellectual references is compelling. Rodriguez and Eden advance the movement of climate by drawing lessons from historical actors who have actually succeeded in changing society during periods of violent transformation. We have developed an alternative to strategy.
There are facts that we cannot negotiate. We just experienced a year of surface temperature 1.6 degrees Celsius high More than the pre-industrial average. This heat has created extreme weather with devastating effects. La Fire It is one of the most famous examples. The amount of Carbon dioxide is dumped into the atmosphere It actually increases every year. Global climate policy is in crisis: the US is just Withdrew from Paris consentt. In the UK, public investment that should be building renewable energy will be wasted on CCS and nuclear power.
What is open to negotiation is how we respond. If there is a path to prevent catastrophic climate collapse within the current political system within the capitalist economic system, our political leaders need to point to the path. But we are moving in the opposite direction. Neither Trump nor the food has a solution.
This is why almost half of Gen Z view revolution as the only way of important social change, and the kind of change needed to stop the climate collapse. Rodriguez and Eden show great courage and integrity in taking this argument seriously. “There is a delivery deadline for all of our fights now,” they observe. “We are a moment of truth: socialism or barbarism.”
This author
Brendan Montague is the editor of Ecologist.
