Much has been written about the factors that contributed to the success of the BJP, but the essence is simple. The party quickly learned from its mistakes and failures, had its finger on the pulse of the people, and implemented bold, high-stakes strategies. The duo of Modi and Shah. Their unique brand of social engineering yielded instant results and won the votes of both Marathas and non-Marathas. Achieving this level of sophistication in such a short period of time provides a masterclass in political strategy and is something to be admired and studied at the same time.
The BJP also secured a large share of OBC, SC and ST votes in most of the six political regions. The women beneficiaries of the Ladki Behna scheme played an important role, and the RSS further generously provided its disciplinary machinery to strengthen the already strong and finely tuned electoral machinery of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Their victory in the recent Haryana assembly elections has given impetus to their journey.
Let’s shift focus to the dramatic collapse of MVA. From a position of strength, it collapsed in just five months. It was a surprising reversal after a strong performance in the recently concluded Sabah elections.
This fiasco is a crucial lesson in how to miss opportunities. The MVA lost an election it could have won with minimal effort, only to be swept away by an unexpected political tsunami. It reminds us of the need to stay connected to the ground and its ‘janatas’ (people). Humility and serious introspection, at least admitting mistakes, are urgently recommended for them.
I can’t remember where in the state their political message resonated with voters. Not one. MVA seemed stuck in a loop of recycled tapes, vague plans, half-hearted promises, and relentless negativity. Statements such as “sanvidhan katle mein hai” (the constitution is in crisis), denunciations of the opposition, and calls for a caste census dominated their narrative. Add to this the sizable conspiracy theories, and you have a situation where voters turn those theories off. The constant barrage of negative sentiment alienated voters who had clearly moved on and left the MVA in the dark about the major changes underway within months.
Did MVA offer even one story to captivate voters? I can’t remember anything. Their campaigns lacked focus, vision, and inspiring messages. There are some common elements among political parties that do not gloss over their mistakes and are willing to learn from them.
The Congress needs to understand that its de facto leader Rahul Gandhi has not achieved results so far. In most cases, his personal obsessions have served him well, preventing him from building the broad political base that India expects from a national opposition party. Uddhav Thackeray also fell into the same trap. Sharad Pawar was the only one who offered a story that resonated with voters, but the noise created by Gandhi and Thackeray overshadowed any meaningful message.
Gandhi and Thackeray, for reasons best known to them, have decided to contest local body elections or campaign in a single assembly constituency, rather than take up the other 287 seats in the large and important state of Maharashtra. As if to do so, he focused his campaign on Dharavi. . They failed to recognize that the state’s voters were aligned with the larger national picture and were keen to restore Maharashtra’s leading position among India’s rising states.
It is puzzling why Rahul Gandhi has a personal obsession with targeting first-generation entrepreneurs, especially when such attitudes do not translate into votes for his party. He must also know that 62 per cent of MVA voters want their Dharavi to be a place of potential pride.
His anti-business stance has been rejected by voters in Maharashtra, who see it as part of a broader agenda – perhaps conflicts between businesses and outside forces jealous of India’s rapid rise. It seems that it was influenced. Voters increasingly see Gandhi’s actions as not being very positive for India’s future aspirations, and this perception is hurting his credibility.
Indians have consistently expressed a desire for a strong democracy, including a strong opposition party that keeps the ruling party in check. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections showed its democratic instincts. But the risks to democracy do not come from Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party or the RSS, but from the Congress’ inability to effectively play its role as a responsible opposition party. Regional parties are, to some extent, playing this role more effectively. And they have been winning elections for years.
The results in Maharashtra further dented long-held hopes that the Congress could rise to the challenge. The party suffers too much from cynicism, conspiracy theories and a complete disconnect from the aspirations of a growing India.
Will Congress finally be able to come back and surprise us all? If they were really serious about democracy in India, they would at least owe us all that much.
(Sanjay Pugalia is CEO and Editor-in-Chief of AMG Media Network)
